First, the following quantitative data and associated quotes provide an overview of how these three factors related to reported behavior in this study. Next, we examine the specific way each of these critical factors emerged from the Key to Community activities.

As noted earlier, there was a high correlation between those who voted and those who felt they had enough information to make their voting decisions. Similarly, those respondents who felt that they knew where to get information on community problems were much more likely to be involved with a community group:

A young Hispanic woman in Baldwin Park has not gotten involved in any groups or initiatives although she has ideas about what she would like to change: "To be heard, you have to know something about what you are going to say and I need to learn. I know I need to speak out, but I don't know where to go."
Conversely, another Baldwin Park woman who is not yet a citizen reported being very active in the local elementary school, community center and in her housing complex. This woman described a well-developed set of information gathering skills and networks and said "I like finding the answers."

Two different questions measured a sense of "individual agency". The first was whether "ordinary people can make a difference in the community they live in" and the responses below were those answering: "definitely." Another question focused on whether the respondent felt that they as an individual (rather than just any individual) had something important to offer their community:

In addition to the behavior of being involved with a community group, the survey also asked three questions intended to measure one's sense of connection to issues and the community: Have you worked with others to solve a community problem? How often do you talk to others about issues of concern in the community? and How active are people in your neighborhood in making it a better place to live? Not surprisingly, those respondents who were involved with a community group scored significantly higher on these measures.

However, it is interesting to note that age and education were less important in determining responses to these questions. This suggests that, unlike the concrete behaviors of voting and getting involved, these "perspectives of connection" may be more attainable to those people who are currently less involved.

The qualitative data suggested that lack of confidence is related to lack of connection. Based on the responses of the students, those with low self-esteem often held themselves back from interacting with others. This self-imposed isolation appeared to keep them from information and contacts that might have been motivating. A Sacramento administrator observed: "Sometimes they just need a little push or to know they are not alone. So many students think 'I'm the only one' because they graduated without having the skills they needed or they dropped out. All those miserable memories they have about school. I want them to know it doesn't have to be that way and that there are lots of other people in the same position."

Exposure to others in community involvement can lead to a range of action steps. One Berkeley woman said "I decided to start voting because I was working on a committee at the school board and decided that I needed to learn more about it and go and vote and make my efforts more worthwhile...I started talking to people in the neighborhood and going to the library [for information]."

One of the hypotheses of the Key to Community project has been that talking to others and becoming more aware of community activities can be an important path for the disenfranchised to gain the information and confidence associated with more concrete actions of involvement. The evidence described below relating to the element of connection, then information and confidence, supports this sequence of motivators.

However, in interpreting these findings, it should be kept in mind that these factors are interrelated in practice. A Berkeley woman said she gained courage from the issues discussion and workshop and said that one of the things that helped her was hearing "what other people said about how they go about it" in attending neighborhood meetings, listening to people, getting phone numbers, etc. However, her perceived lack of skills still held her back. "The workshop and library program have given me the idea to help in the schools but I can't start until I can read better." She expressed a fear that even if she went to "help with arts and crafts or playground that teacher might ask me to take over the class while she goes to the office or something or might ask me to read a story and I can't do that now." In the face of these concerns, she talked about returning to school to get her GED so she can be comfortable helping out at school. In this case, her sequence of involvement went from connection to confidence from information to the need for more information for more confidence -- in preparation to be willing to increase connection.

Voting is not about winning; it is about participating

The overlap between the motivations for voting and the motivations for other forms of community involvement is underscored by the way participants did not view voting in terms of "needing to win" to make it worthwhile. In fact, they talked about voting in terms of participating and expressing oneself. One woman described voting as "if we all do our best and become registered voters, that's one means of having things done. Sometimes it works and sometimes it doesn't" but that did not seem to diminish her belief in the process.

A new citizen said that the only thing she doesn't like about voting is that "I don't always get what I want. I vote for things and they lose or vote against them and they win...but I still use my chance."

A young Berkeley man involved in community organizing was disappointed with the outcome of some of the ballot measures, but said, "There's still time to work on the things that didn't happen."

If typical, these responses should suggest an optimistic outlook for those involved in voter education. If voting were only attractive to new voters as long as they could count on a certain result, then there would be many one-time only voters. Instead, many of these students saw voting as just one of a full range of involvement behaviors which was worthwhile regardless of the ultimate outcome.

Importantly, these feelings were also reflected by potential future citizens. Some of the more active students encountered in this study were not yet citizens and therefore were not voters. However, in many cases, this status did not impede a perception of the importance of getting involved.

A 35 year old mother of two small children came to Baldwin Park from Mexico. When there was a school bond measure that affected her children, "I made a lot of phone calls and went to a lot of meetings to help pass the bonds." She reported that she provides information to her neighbors, especially the ones who do not speak English very well. "It is important to help my community and my people. I want to tell people not to be afraid."

Another Hispanic woman in Baldwin Park said she attended the forum and the voting workshop because " I want to become a citizen and vote. I want to live here and want to be able to choose things and get involved and help make changes."

In Santa Fe Springs, the coordinator reported that one of the learners came to him after the workshop and said, "I'm not a citizen but I've been living here for 25 years. Now I want to get my citizenship and help out in the community to try to get more people involved. It's important to do that."